Treading softly - Oman's foreign minister visits Iran again
Oman's minister responsible for foreign affairs, Yousuf (Yusuf) bin Alawi bin Abdullah, has been in Iran this week. He met President Ahmedinejad in southern Iran and gave a joint press conference alongside Iran's Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki yesterday.
Prior to that, he had been in Yemen on a 3-day visit for discussions with President Ali Abdullah Saleh and Dr Ali Mohammed Mujur, the prime minister.
As ever, the diplomatic language relating to both visits spoke of "exchanging views on regional and international issues of common concern." I think we can be certain that the wider repercussions of the tensions surrounding the recent Doha Summit would have received close attention.
Only a day before Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah's held meetings in Iran, Lieutenant-General Malik bin Sulaiman Al Ma’amari, inspector-general of Oman's police and customs and his delegation had met Brigadier Ahmadi Muqadam, head of Iran's Internal Security Services. The Royal Oman Police battle problems daily with illegal immigrants and drug smugglers landing on Omani beaches. Many of the offenders from Afghanistan and Pakistan have travelled via Iran.
As usual, the English language Omani press reportage on the meetings was relatively low key. The Irani media was also careful in its reporting, not obviously attributing views expressed by Manouchehr Mottaki to Yusuf bin Alawi.
Nevertheless, Mottaki asserted that "certain outside countries are seeking to disrupt the (forthcoming Lebanese) election through political sedition," naming Israel in particular. But Egypt was also a target. The Egyptian authorities have uncovered what they claim to be a Hizbullah cell comprising 25 men including Lebanese, Sudanese, Syrians and Egyptians. The authorities in Cairo say that the cell was planning attacks in country and proselytising Shi'ism. Hizbullah is widely regarded as a proxy for Iranian influence.
During the Israeli assault on Gaza early this year, Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah, charged Mr Mubarak with complicity with the “Zionist regime” urging him to open the Rafah border crossing to allow food and humanitarian aid to reach the beleaguered Palestinians.
Both Hassan Nasrallah and Iran have repudiated the Egyptian allegations as an attempt to disrupt forthcoming elections in Lebanon, despite Egyptian sources leaking confessions from some of the suspected men that they were planning to store supplies in safe houses near the Egyptian-Gaza border from where they could set off to operate against Israel.
Egypt must feel very isolated in the region at present. President Mubarak in turn had been hoping to use the opening of the Rafah crossing as an incentive to get Hamas and Fatah to peace talks. He must surely have relished his recent opportunity to get away from the pressure during his recent state and private visit to Oman.
The Iranian president was reported to have told Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah that "security in the region cannot be achieved except through regional cooperation." Cooperation which is evidently lacking at present.
So it was with some surprise that I read the following in today's edition of the Khaleej Times: "Oman’s minister in charge of foreign affairs Youssef bin Alawi this week praised the chief of Hezbollah," and “Iran’s and Oman’s position in regards to regional and global issues coincide.” Although the report is credited to Reuters, I haven't traced it there.
Oman was said to be more wary of Saudi Wahhabi influence than of Iran inasmuch as Wahhabism could affect social cohesion.
On the whole, I would agree that Oman takes a pragmatic and conciliatory approach to Iran. See an earlier post on this site, Diplomacy with Iran, a synthesis of reported meetings and contacts between the two countries.
The writer in the Khaleej Times explained that Omanis believe the GCC should not depend on the USA as its sole protector.
Also see A glimpse into foreign policy, my analysis of Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah's address to Oman's Press Club in October 2006.
Prior to that, he had been in Yemen on a 3-day visit for discussions with President Ali Abdullah Saleh and Dr Ali Mohammed Mujur, the prime minister.
As ever, the diplomatic language relating to both visits spoke of "exchanging views on regional and international issues of common concern." I think we can be certain that the wider repercussions of the tensions surrounding the recent Doha Summit would have received close attention.
Only a day before Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah's held meetings in Iran, Lieutenant-General Malik bin Sulaiman Al Ma’amari, inspector-general of Oman's police and customs and his delegation had met Brigadier Ahmadi Muqadam, head of Iran's Internal Security Services. The Royal Oman Police battle problems daily with illegal immigrants and drug smugglers landing on Omani beaches. Many of the offenders from Afghanistan and Pakistan have travelled via Iran.
As usual, the English language Omani press reportage on the meetings was relatively low key. The Irani media was also careful in its reporting, not obviously attributing views expressed by Manouchehr Mottaki to Yusuf bin Alawi.
Nevertheless, Mottaki asserted that "certain outside countries are seeking to disrupt the (forthcoming Lebanese) election through political sedition," naming Israel in particular. But Egypt was also a target. The Egyptian authorities have uncovered what they claim to be a Hizbullah cell comprising 25 men including Lebanese, Sudanese, Syrians and Egyptians. The authorities in Cairo say that the cell was planning attacks in country and proselytising Shi'ism. Hizbullah is widely regarded as a proxy for Iranian influence.
During the Israeli assault on Gaza early this year, Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah, charged Mr Mubarak with complicity with the “Zionist regime” urging him to open the Rafah border crossing to allow food and humanitarian aid to reach the beleaguered Palestinians.
Both Hassan Nasrallah and Iran have repudiated the Egyptian allegations as an attempt to disrupt forthcoming elections in Lebanon, despite Egyptian sources leaking confessions from some of the suspected men that they were planning to store supplies in safe houses near the Egyptian-Gaza border from where they could set off to operate against Israel.
Egypt must feel very isolated in the region at present. President Mubarak in turn had been hoping to use the opening of the Rafah crossing as an incentive to get Hamas and Fatah to peace talks. He must surely have relished his recent opportunity to get away from the pressure during his recent state and private visit to Oman.
The Iranian president was reported to have told Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah that "security in the region cannot be achieved except through regional cooperation." Cooperation which is evidently lacking at present.
So it was with some surprise that I read the following in today's edition of the Khaleej Times: "Oman’s minister in charge of foreign affairs Youssef bin Alawi this week praised the chief of Hezbollah," and “Iran’s and Oman’s position in regards to regional and global issues coincide.” Although the report is credited to Reuters, I haven't traced it there.
Oman was said to be more wary of Saudi Wahhabi influence than of Iran inasmuch as Wahhabism could affect social cohesion.
On the whole, I would agree that Oman takes a pragmatic and conciliatory approach to Iran. See an earlier post on this site, Diplomacy with Iran, a synthesis of reported meetings and contacts between the two countries.
The writer in the Khaleej Times explained that Omanis believe the GCC should not depend on the USA as its sole protector.
”When relations between America and Iran improve, as is expected, the Gulf countries will pay the price again,” Zaher al-Mahrouqi wrote in Omani daily al-Shabiba last week. “Iran has become stronger and is the only major player in the region.”I recommend the article as useful background but bear in mind that it appears to have been written in the context of a US oriented view.
Also see A glimpse into foreign policy, my analysis of Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah's address to Oman's Press Club in October 2006.
Least said, soonest mended - Oman and the Doha Summit
Remember the Doha summit at the end of March? Probably not. And I expect many in the Arab world would probably like to forget about it too.
This year's Arab League summit meeting, held in Doha, capital of Qatar, was intended to promote Inter-Arab reconciliation following Israel's violent invasion of Gaza at the end of last year. A united front was also sought to take a stand against the spread of Shi'ism sponsored by Iran.
King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia met the presidents of both Egypt and Syria earlier in the month to broach a rapprochement. Egypt and Saudi Arabia support "Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas, while Syria and Qatar back the Islamist(? an interesting attribute conferred by the reporter) Hamas." Both Hamas and Hizbullah in Lebanon are supported by Shi'ite Iran.
King Abdullah was reported to have warned that the dispute between the Palestinian factions was a far greater threat than Israeli aggression.
It was evident that Qatar's ruler, the emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, was keen to promote Doha as a viable alternative mediator in the region in opposition to Egypt and Saudi Arabia. But Arabs generally are mistrustful over Qatar's identification with Iran.
The additional flaw in the ointment was the invitation to Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir, who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes against civilians in Darfur. Asharq alAwsat reported that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon was angered by the ICC's decision because, with UN troops fighting in southern Sudan, he felt that negotiations ought to continue with the Sudanese government.
Omar Al-Bashir was duly welcomed at the summit by his Arab brethren, if only because he is an elected representative of his country, and it doesn't do to incite mutiny. (I stand corrected. Omar Al-Bashir came to power in a bloodless military coup in 1989. He is a candidate in democratic presidential elections in Sudan to be held in 2010.) Ban Ki-Moon was said to have defied the advice of UN Legal Counsel in meeting President Al Bashir on the sidelines of the Doha conference. Ban Ki-Moon did address the conference urging the Sudanese government to reverse its decision to expel 13 international aid groups.
Ultimately, the meeting issued a joint communique, delivered by Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa. The statement began with a rejection of the ICC's arrest warrant for Omar Al Bashir and "support of Sudan to bring peace in Darfur."
Thereafter came the usual platitudes requesting Palestinian unity, Israeli withdrawal to pre-1967 borders, Iraqi sovereignty, IAEA investigation of Israel's nuclear capability, an affirmation of Arab rights to develop nuclear energy, a call for "the international community to support developing countries to fill the gap between rich and poor countries," and the importance of emphasising Arab culture and identity.
Iran was mentioned only in the context of the three islands in the Arabian/Persian Gulf contested with UAE.
The issue over Sudan seemed to have sidetracked the original objectives of the summit.
The meeting was hardly unified. Libya's Muammar al Gaddafi was initially said to have strode out of the meeting after "denouncing the Saudi king [ ] calling him a "British product and American ally." A later report indicated that Gaddafi was challenged by the Qatari Emir and mollified his earlier remarks, Gaddafi justified his outburst saying, “I am king of the kings of Africa and leader of the faithful and could not take another position.” Sheikh Hamad was even reported to have apologised to Mr Gaddafi for having misunderstood him.
King Abdullah of Jordan was said to have left the summit early as a protest at not being met at the airport by the Qatari emir in person. It might just be that he left in order to distance himself from the proceedings.
What was Oman's part in this?
For one thing, HM Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al Said did not attend. His Highness Sayyid Fahd bin Mahmoud Al Said, deputy prime minister for the Council of Ministers represented Oman, leading a delegation which included Yousef bin Alawi bin Abdullah, Oman's minister responsible for foreign affairs.
I think Oman was probably conducting quiet diplomacy of its own. Foreseeing a possible impasse at the summit and not wishing to be directly involved with it, His Majesty chose instead to speak with other Arab leaders individually. President Mubarak of Egypt went to Oman for a two-day state visit before the Doha summit, but following his meeting with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia earlier in March. He was given full ceremonial and due.
President Mubarak was also absent from the Doha Summit.
Early in April, Syrian President Bashar Al Assad, who had been at Doha, visited Muscat for a two-day meeting with His Majesty Sultan Qaboos. One can only conclude that there was a cordial and frank exchange of views and information.
I rather liked the following comment reportedly made by Dr Bouthaina Shaaban, the Syrian president’s political and media adviser: "Arabs have to change the mechanisms through dealing with each other in a scientific and practical way."
I recommend reading the editorial in Asharq AlAwsat: The Doha Summit of Repentance: "What we saw take place in Doha was the continuation of a recurring error and Arab emotionalism that we are yet to understand in spite of all the tragedies that have occurred."
This year's Arab League summit meeting, held in Doha, capital of Qatar, was intended to promote Inter-Arab reconciliation following Israel's violent invasion of Gaza at the end of last year. A united front was also sought to take a stand against the spread of Shi'ism sponsored by Iran.
King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia met the presidents of both Egypt and Syria earlier in the month to broach a rapprochement. Egypt and Saudi Arabia support "Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas, while Syria and Qatar back the Islamist(? an interesting attribute conferred by the reporter) Hamas." Both Hamas and Hizbullah in Lebanon are supported by Shi'ite Iran.
King Abdullah was reported to have warned that the dispute between the Palestinian factions was a far greater threat than Israeli aggression.
It was evident that Qatar's ruler, the emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, was keen to promote Doha as a viable alternative mediator in the region in opposition to Egypt and Saudi Arabia. But Arabs generally are mistrustful over Qatar's identification with Iran.
The additional flaw in the ointment was the invitation to Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir, who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes against civilians in Darfur. Asharq alAwsat reported that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon was angered by the ICC's decision because, with UN troops fighting in southern Sudan, he felt that negotiations ought to continue with the Sudanese government.
Omar Al-Bashir was duly welcomed at the summit by his Arab brethren, if only because he is an elected representative of his country, and it doesn't do to incite mutiny. (I stand corrected. Omar Al-Bashir came to power in a bloodless military coup in 1989. He is a candidate in democratic presidential elections in Sudan to be held in 2010.) Ban Ki-Moon was said to have defied the advice of UN Legal Counsel in meeting President Al Bashir on the sidelines of the Doha conference. Ban Ki-Moon did address the conference urging the Sudanese government to reverse its decision to expel 13 international aid groups.
Ultimately, the meeting issued a joint communique, delivered by Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa. The statement began with a rejection of the ICC's arrest warrant for Omar Al Bashir and "support of Sudan to bring peace in Darfur."
Thereafter came the usual platitudes requesting Palestinian unity, Israeli withdrawal to pre-1967 borders, Iraqi sovereignty, IAEA investigation of Israel's nuclear capability, an affirmation of Arab rights to develop nuclear energy, a call for "the international community to support developing countries to fill the gap between rich and poor countries," and the importance of emphasising Arab culture and identity.
Iran was mentioned only in the context of the three islands in the Arabian/Persian Gulf contested with UAE.
The issue over Sudan seemed to have sidetracked the original objectives of the summit.
The meeting was hardly unified. Libya's Muammar al Gaddafi was initially said to have strode out of the meeting after "denouncing the Saudi king [ ] calling him a "British product and American ally." A later report indicated that Gaddafi was challenged by the Qatari Emir and mollified his earlier remarks, Gaddafi justified his outburst saying, “I am king of the kings of Africa and leader of the faithful and could not take another position.” Sheikh Hamad was even reported to have apologised to Mr Gaddafi for having misunderstood him.
King Abdullah of Jordan was said to have left the summit early as a protest at not being met at the airport by the Qatari emir in person. It might just be that he left in order to distance himself from the proceedings.
What was Oman's part in this?
For one thing, HM Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al Said did not attend. His Highness Sayyid Fahd bin Mahmoud Al Said, deputy prime minister for the Council of Ministers represented Oman, leading a delegation which included Yousef bin Alawi bin Abdullah, Oman's minister responsible for foreign affairs.
I think Oman was probably conducting quiet diplomacy of its own. Foreseeing a possible impasse at the summit and not wishing to be directly involved with it, His Majesty chose instead to speak with other Arab leaders individually. President Mubarak of Egypt went to Oman for a two-day state visit before the Doha summit, but following his meeting with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia earlier in March. He was given full ceremonial and due.
President Mubarak was also absent from the Doha Summit.
Early in April, Syrian President Bashar Al Assad, who had been at Doha, visited Muscat for a two-day meeting with His Majesty Sultan Qaboos. One can only conclude that there was a cordial and frank exchange of views and information.
I rather liked the following comment reportedly made by Dr Bouthaina Shaaban, the Syrian president’s political and media adviser: "Arabs have to change the mechanisms through dealing with each other in a scientific and practical way."
I recommend reading the editorial in Asharq AlAwsat: The Doha Summit of Repentance: "What we saw take place in Doha was the continuation of a recurring error and Arab emotionalism that we are yet to understand in spite of all the tragedies that have occurred."