New Iran Trade Centre to be based in Muscat
In another press conference convened with his Iranian counterpart Manouchehr Mottaki, bin Alawi was reported to have said that, "We believe that the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman should be free seas for international navigation and no change should take place there and they should not turn these places ruled by parading fleets of warships." He added that Oman does not accept "the presence of foreign military forces in these secure regions [because] such a move is a violation of the international rules and regulations."
Since none of this is reported in the Omani press, the reader must take into account that the Omani foreign minister's remarks are reported by the Iranian media, and may contain an unintended bias.
Four days after bin Alawi's return to Muscat, the Iranian Press Agency announced that a new, government backed trade centre would open in Muscat as home to 60 Iranian companies bidding for work in the Sultanate.
HM Sultan Qaboos of Oman to visit Iran before end June
Swift announcement of results giving Mahmoud Ahmadinejad a clear majority of the vote seemed suspect to many. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has given full backing to Ahmadinejad. The authorities have arrested many eminent 'reformist' individuals, restricted Internet and SMS services and stopped renewing visas for foreign journalists in a bid to prevent organised opposition and news leaking from the country. Armed police stormed a dormitory at Tehran University.
The principal opposition candidate, Mirhossein Mousavi, has called for a day of mourning in memory of several people who have been killed in street battles.
In spite of the best efforts of the Iranian authorities to exert control, thousands of people still pour into the streets in quiet order to support Mousavi and to protest at the election results.
Amidst all these uncertainties, the Oman News Agency released a statement yesterday announcing that His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin Said of Oman would be visiting Iran late this month at the invitation of the Iranian president Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
The statement therefore implies that the Omani authorities believe the present turmoil in Iran to be a passing phase, and that order will be restored by the date of the visit. Given the time scale, this has to be projected to next week or early the week after.
The Omani deputation includes the Minister of the Diwan of the Royal Court, Sayyid Ali bin Hamoud al Busaidi; the Minister responsible for Foreign affairs, Yousuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah; the Minister for National Economy, Ahmed Bin Abdulnabi Macki; the Minister for Commerce and Industry, Maqbool bin Ali bin Sultan; the Minister of Oil and Gas, Dr. Mohammed bin Hamed al-Rumhi; the Inspector General of Police and Customs, Lt.Gen. Malik bin Sulaiman al Maamari; as well as the Ministers reponsible for Cultural affairs and Health.
The presence of the Inspector General of Police and Customs in the party suggests that there will be discussions about border controls, smuggling and people trafficking.
The nature of the visit could presage a major agreement over development of gas fields in the Persian Gulf, which has been in the offing for some time. Oman, it has been claimed, would foot the bill for development of the Kish/Henjam gas field, contiguous with Oman's own West Bukha block, but has been unable to raise the finance in the current global economic environment. Iran has become impatient at the delay. Today, the Tehran Times has reported that companies from China and the UAE are interested in entering into the development plan.
Oman needs extra energy supplies to sustain its policy of developing its manufacturing sector, and to reduce reliance on hydrocarbons.
Of course, His Majesty is making his visit to Iran in reply to the invitation extended by the Iranian president when he visited Muscat two years ago. But to visit against the backdrop of the current political situation shows that someone in Oman has very strong reasons for keeping to the plan.
Update at 3rd July 2009
Unsurprisingly, His Majesty's visit to Iran was postponed indefinitely due to the political unrest.
Was it naivety or cynicism which resulted in the official announcement of the visit? Or a blend of the two? Naivety inasmuch as Omani advisers appeared to have misjudged and underestimated Iranian public protest and the backlash against the presidential elections, and cynicism because it was assumed that the unrest would have died down before the visit was to take place.
I found it risible that someone on Twitter claimed that His Majesty had called off the visit to show his allegiance with the opposition protesters in Iran.
No doubt an official explanation would refer to the wise and pragmatic policies of His Majesty's government.
A press release from the Iranian Students' News Agency published today claims that His Majesty has postponed his trip only for two weeks. Talks will focus on joint exploitation of oil and gas fields.
Treading softly - Oman's foreign minister visits Iran again
Prior to that, he had been in Yemen on a 3-day visit for discussions with President Ali Abdullah Saleh and Dr Ali Mohammed Mujur, the prime minister.
As ever, the diplomatic language relating to both visits spoke of "exchanging views on regional and international issues of common concern." I think we can be certain that the wider repercussions of the tensions surrounding the recent Doha Summit would have received close attention.
Only a day before Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah's held meetings in Iran, Lieutenant-General Malik bin Sulaiman Al Ma’amari, inspector-general of Oman's police and customs and his delegation had met Brigadier Ahmadi Muqadam, head of Iran's Internal Security Services. The Royal Oman Police battle problems daily with illegal immigrants and drug smugglers landing on Omani beaches. Many of the offenders from Afghanistan and Pakistan have travelled via Iran.
As usual, the English language Omani press reportage on the meetings was relatively low key. The Irani media was also careful in its reporting, not obviously attributing views expressed by Manouchehr Mottaki to Yusuf bin Alawi.
Nevertheless, Mottaki asserted that "certain outside countries are seeking to disrupt the (forthcoming Lebanese) election through political sedition," naming Israel in particular. But Egypt was also a target. The Egyptian authorities have uncovered what they claim to be a Hizbullah cell comprising 25 men including Lebanese, Sudanese, Syrians and Egyptians. The authorities in Cairo say that the cell was planning attacks in country and proselytising Shi'ism. Hizbullah is widely regarded as a proxy for Iranian influence.
During the Israeli assault on Gaza early this year, Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah, charged Mr Mubarak with complicity with the “Zionist regime” urging him to open the Rafah border crossing to allow food and humanitarian aid to reach the beleaguered Palestinians.
Both Hassan Nasrallah and Iran have repudiated the Egyptian allegations as an attempt to disrupt forthcoming elections in Lebanon, despite Egyptian sources leaking confessions from some of the suspected men that they were planning to store supplies in safe houses near the Egyptian-Gaza border from where they could set off to operate against Israel.
Egypt must feel very isolated in the region at present. President Mubarak in turn had been hoping to use the opening of the Rafah crossing as an incentive to get Hamas and Fatah to peace talks. He must surely have relished his recent opportunity to get away from the pressure during his recent state and private visit to Oman.
The Iranian president was reported to have told Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah that "security in the region cannot be achieved except through regional cooperation." Cooperation which is evidently lacking at present.
So it was with some surprise that I read the following in today's edition of the Khaleej Times: "Oman’s minister in charge of foreign affairs Youssef bin Alawi this week praised the chief of Hezbollah," and “Iran’s and Oman’s position in regards to regional and global issues coincide.” Although the report is credited to Reuters, I haven't traced it there.
Oman was said to be more wary of Saudi Wahhabi influence than of Iran inasmuch as Wahhabism could affect social cohesion.
On the whole, I would agree that Oman takes a pragmatic and conciliatory approach to Iran. See an earlier post on this site, Diplomacy with Iran, a synthesis of reported meetings and contacts between the two countries.
The writer in the Khaleej Times explained that Omanis believe the GCC should not depend on the USA as its sole protector.
”When relations between America and Iran improve, as is expected, the Gulf countries will pay the price again,” Zaher al-Mahrouqi wrote in Omani daily al-Shabiba last week. “Iran has become stronger and is the only major player in the region.”I recommend the article as useful background but bear in mind that it appears to have been written in the context of a US oriented view.
Also see A glimpse into foreign policy, my analysis of Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah's address to Oman's Press Club in October 2006.
Least said, soonest mended - Oman and the Doha Summit
This year's Arab League summit meeting, held in Doha, capital of Qatar, was intended to promote Inter-Arab reconciliation following Israel's violent invasion of Gaza at the end of last year. A united front was also sought to take a stand against the spread of Shi'ism sponsored by Iran.
King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia met the presidents of both Egypt and Syria earlier in the month to broach a rapprochement. Egypt and Saudi Arabia support "Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas, while Syria and Qatar back the Islamist(? an interesting attribute conferred by the reporter) Hamas." Both Hamas and Hizbullah in Lebanon are supported by Shi'ite Iran.
King Abdullah was reported to have warned that the dispute between the Palestinian factions was a far greater threat than Israeli aggression.
It was evident that Qatar's ruler, the emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, was keen to promote Doha as a viable alternative mediator in the region in opposition to Egypt and Saudi Arabia. But Arabs generally are mistrustful over Qatar's identification with Iran.
The additional flaw in the ointment was the invitation to Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir, who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes against civilians in Darfur. Asharq alAwsat reported that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon was angered by the ICC's decision because, with UN troops fighting in southern Sudan, he felt that negotiations ought to continue with the Sudanese government.
Omar Al-Bashir was duly welcomed at the summit by his Arab brethren, if only because he is an elected representative of his country, and it doesn't do to incite mutiny. (I stand corrected. Omar Al-Bashir came to power in a bloodless military coup in 1989. He is a candidate in democratic presidential elections in Sudan to be held in 2010.) Ban Ki-Moon was said to have defied the advice of UN Legal Counsel in meeting President Al Bashir on the sidelines of the Doha conference. Ban Ki-Moon did address the conference urging the Sudanese government to reverse its decision to expel 13 international aid groups.
Ultimately, the meeting issued a joint communique, delivered by Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa. The statement began with a rejection of the ICC's arrest warrant for Omar Al Bashir and "support of Sudan to bring peace in Darfur."
Thereafter came the usual platitudes requesting Palestinian unity, Israeli withdrawal to pre-1967 borders, Iraqi sovereignty, IAEA investigation of Israel's nuclear capability, an affirmation of Arab rights to develop nuclear energy, a call for "the international community to support developing countries to fill the gap between rich and poor countries," and the importance of emphasising Arab culture and identity.
Iran was mentioned only in the context of the three islands in the Arabian/Persian Gulf contested with UAE.
The issue over Sudan seemed to have sidetracked the original objectives of the summit.
The meeting was hardly unified. Libya's Muammar al Gaddafi was initially said to have strode out of the meeting after "denouncing the Saudi king [ ] calling him a "British product and American ally." A later report indicated that Gaddafi was challenged by the Qatari Emir and mollified his earlier remarks, Gaddafi justified his outburst saying, “I am king of the kings of Africa and leader of the faithful and could not take another position.” Sheikh Hamad was even reported to have apologised to Mr Gaddafi for having misunderstood him.
King Abdullah of Jordan was said to have left the summit early as a protest at not being met at the airport by the Qatari emir in person. It might just be that he left in order to distance himself from the proceedings.
What was Oman's part in this?
For one thing, HM Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al Said did not attend. His Highness Sayyid Fahd bin Mahmoud Al Said, deputy prime minister for the Council of Ministers represented Oman, leading a delegation which included Yousef bin Alawi bin Abdullah, Oman's minister responsible for foreign affairs.
I think Oman was probably conducting quiet diplomacy of its own. Foreseeing a possible impasse at the summit and not wishing to be directly involved with it, His Majesty chose instead to speak with other Arab leaders individually. President Mubarak of Egypt went to Oman for a two-day state visit before the Doha summit, but following his meeting with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia earlier in March. He was given full ceremonial and due.
President Mubarak was also absent from the Doha Summit.
Early in April, Syrian President Bashar Al Assad, who had been at Doha, visited Muscat for a two-day meeting with His Majesty Sultan Qaboos. One can only conclude that there was a cordial and frank exchange of views and information.
I rather liked the following comment reportedly made by Dr Bouthaina Shaaban, the Syrian president’s political and media adviser: "Arabs have to change the mechanisms through dealing with each other in a scientific and practical way."
I recommend reading the editorial in Asharq AlAwsat: The Doha Summit of Repentance: "What we saw take place in Doha was the continuation of a recurring error and Arab emotionalism that we are yet to understand in spite of all the tragedies that have occurred."
How might the USA's newly announced economic sanctions on Iran affect Oman?
President Putin of Russia quickly warned the EU against following the USA's lead. It may seem incredible to some, but the USA is seriously out of step with the rest of the world in the way that it regards the Islamic Republic. Wikipedia tells us that Iran's major trading partners are China, Germany, South Korea, Japan, France, Russia and Italy.
The most active foreign direct investors are Germans, Norwegian, British, French, Chinese, Japanese, Russian, South Korean, Swedish, and Swiss companies.
In 2005, the volume of Iran-China trade hit $US 9.2 billion. China held the third rank among top exporters to Iran (2005) with 8.3% of the total market, after top ranked Germany (13.9%) and UAE (8.4%). Chinese companies have 25-year contracts to import LNG from Iran. China's share of Iran's exports is given as 11.2% with Japan the top importer at 16.9%.
Another figure gives Germany the largest share of Iran's export market with $5.67 billion (14.4%).
Oman has adopted a significantly more positive approach to Iran than its Gulf neighbours. There is regular rapprochement between the two countries, and efforts to increase trade. President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad visited the Sultanate in May this year, at the invitation of HM Sultan Qaboos bin Said, to discuss bilateral economic agreements, specifically with regard to the supply of natural gas to Oman, and to gain Oman's economic support for developing the Hengam (Henjam) oilfield , which adjoin's Oman's West Bukha oilfield, "developed by UAE-based Indago Petroleum".
"Henjam could hold between two to three times as much gas as West Bukha, which is more liquids prone. [ ] There have been previous MOUs between Oman and Iran for the development of Henjam, but a combination of politics, pricing policies and lack of attention by Iran, which has many larger fields to develop, has meant little progress has been made." Energy Intelligence
UAE and Kuwait have also been trying to establish gas supply agreements with Iran, but to date have been hampered by Iran's inability to develop gas supplies for export. Gulf News. "Iran's efforts to build its own LNG facilities have faced delays, in part because US sanctions on Tehran deter investors and block access to some technology." Menafn
As a partner in a bilateral trade agreement with the United States, one might expect, in the circumstances, Oman to be pressured to renege on agreements with Iran.
Perhaps much depends on how one defines the companies that one deals with in Iran. Are they simply private sector Iranian companies or do they belong to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps? Since the State, which incorporates the IIRGC, owns all mineral rights, then the latter proposition is probably true. I can imagine that the Omani authorities are in a quandary, since it is particularly this group that the USA is targeting.
Let's look at some details. In May 2007 Energy Intelligence wrote "Oman expects to import 1 billion cubic feet per day (10.3 billion cubic meters per year) of Iranian gas over the next five years -- some of which could be exported via Oman's LNG terminal or be used as feedstock for petrochemical projects.
Iran and Oman signed a memorandum of understanding to study gas fields around the Musandam Peninsula on the Omani side of the Strait of Hormuz, on Tuesday (IOD May.16,p8). It is the latest agreement signed between the two countries, which have tried for the last decade to get a joint gas development program for Henjam off the ground."
Oman has significant gas reserves of its own, which it exports overseas to raise revenue and uses as energy supplies for its own industrial infrastructure. "According to OGJ (Oil and Gas Journal), Oman’s proven natural gas reserves stood at 30 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) as of January 2007. [ ] However, despite the recent rise in production, additional natural gas reserves have not been located as quickly as the government had hoped. Some industry sources have speculated that, given the country’s long-term liquefied natural gas (LNG) export obligations, natural gas supplies may be overcommitted in Oman." EIA
Oman needs the gas. Apparently, the Sultanate offered "generous proposals [to Iran], which included signing an upstream deal and building an offshore pipeline, in the hope of reaching a quick agreement on the import of up to 70 million cubic meters per day of natural gas." Energy Intelligence, May 2007.
If gas is discovered in sufficient quantity in the Hengam field, it will be transferred by pipeline, which has yet to be built, or it could be piped to northern UAE where it would be swapped with Qatari gas from the Dolphin Gas Project. Oman has the facilities at Qalhat to convert the gas to LNG (liquefied natural gas), when can then be exported by bulk carrier. Presumably the gas can be piped directly to where it is required in country.
A Reuters' report reprinted in Qatar's English-language newspaper, The Peninsula, of 27th June this year, quoted Oman's Commerce and Industry Minister Maqbool bin Ali Sultan, who signed the deal with Iranian Oil Minister Kazem Vaziri-Hamaneh, as saying, “In future Oman needs a huge amount of gas, so we are negotiating with Iranian officials to buy gas from Iran. The joint cooperation project ... does not include just gas imports but also exploring, extraction and transfer by pipeline to Oman.”
Another obstruction to agreement has been Iran's insistence on pricing its gas according to the use to which Oman puts it. So the price would presumably be higher for gas that was earmarked for export, since gas used in country has a price fixed by government at $1.50 per million Btu. Oman would rather have a single price system.
The Tehran Times reported on 20th October that talks on the export of Iranian gas to Oman were going well, and were expected to be finalised in March 2008, in time for the Iranian New Year.
Earlier this week, HH Sayyid Fahd bin Mahmood al Said, Deputy Prime Minister for the Council of Ministers, led a high-ranking delegation of ministers to Qatar, for talks with Shaikh Hamad bin Khalifa al Thani, Emir of Qatar, and his heir apparent, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. The visit has been largely unreported in the international press. The Times of Oman led with the usual commentary about brotherly discussions and review of existing cooperation between the two countries in political, economic, social and educational fields, but did emphasise that the talks focused on the supply of gas.
Sayyid Fahd was accompanied by Yousuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah, minister responsible for foreign affairs; Maqbool bin Ali Sultan, minister of commerce and industry; Mohammed bin Ali bin Nasir Al Alawi, minister of legal affairs; Dr Mohammed bin Hamad Al Romhi, minister of oil and gas and Hamed bin Mohammed Al Rashdi, minister of information - a formidable team.
Of course, this is probably a coincidence, but did one or other of the two parties have prior information about the new US sanctions? If the Iranian deal is going to fall through, Oman absolutely needs to have faster, securer access to Qatari gas.
Flash floods and diplomatic links
Dr Reza Ardakanian, Director of Iran’s RCUWM, said the number of deaths due to floods globally had been rising. He emphasised that increasing urbanisation and land development in flood prone areas had significantly raised the risk of flash floods in recent decades.
Abdullah bin Nasser Al Bakri, Under-Secretary for Water Resources Affairs at MRMEWR, referred to “statistics which show that between 1991 and 2000 more than 655,000 people died in 2,557 natural disasters of which 90 per cent were water related. Virtually all of the victims, 97 per cent, were from developing countries.”
Flash floods in Oman are some of the most powerful in the world. The Sultanate has built a series of recharge dams in major wadis both north and south of the Hajar mountains as well as south of the Jabal Qara in Dhofar, in a bid both to dampen the impact of flood flows, and to still the water sufficiently so that it can percolate into groundwater rather than rush to the sea.
As I recall, the jury was still out on whether these dams are truly cost-effective, given the expense of construction compared with the value derived from the quantity of the water that they might impound, to agriculture and the economy downstream. Nevertheless, these barriers, provided that they are adequately maintained, can prevent a destructive rush of flood waters to urban areas below the dams.
Amongst the dignitaries attending the workshop was the Iranian Energy Minister and chairman of RCUWM, Parviz Fatah.
The long, hot summer - and Lebanon
So hot has it been that Sri Lankan labourers have been asking their embassy to go home because 'they have to work on open sites exposed to the scorching sun' throughout the heat of the day. The Punjab News has alleged that ten Indians have died in an open camp, during a scramble for food and water. Around 2,000 Indians had been rounded up for not having labour cards and residence permits.
Those who can, leave town. Including senior government figures. It was left to the Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs, for instance, to receive the credentials of the Greek ambassador last week. Although Sayyid Fahd bin Mahmoud Al Said, deputy prime minister for the Council of Ministers, received both the outgoing Syrian ambassador and the British Chief of Defence Staff, a few days later. In the language of diplomacy, the meetings focused on "bilateral relations, current regional and international developments and matters of common concern."
The British Chief of Defence Staff also met Lt General Malik bin Sulaiman al Maamari, Inspector-General of Police and Customs, and Lt Gen Ahmed bin Harith al Nabhani, Chief of Staff of the Sultan’s Armed Forces, which points to a focus on security issues.
Perhaps the summer break explains the lack of published government response to the crisis of Lebanon.
A two-line item in the Oman Observer of 26th July reported that 13 aid flights had been sent to Lebanon with medicine, food, tents and blankets. Compare this with the public fund-raising that has been happening in Saudi Arabia and in UAE, where a telethon organised by three local television stations raised at least Dh49 million (approx £13,342,000 or RO5,130,000).
It might be appropriate to provide a little more background, before examining the direct influences on Oman's foreign policy towards the current crisis.
The perambulations of Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah
Before he left, he held meetings with Alexander Sultanov, deputy foreign minister in the Russian Federation, and his accompanying delegation in Muscat on 16th April
On 22nd April in Washington DC, he met with Condoleezza Rice. A major area of discussion would probably have been a lack of progress over the US-Oman FTA, which has hit problems with objections in the US over Oman's labour laws, although the talks were said to have extended to 'regional and international areas of common concern.'
On 26th April in London, he held talks with Jack Straw, Britain's Foreign Minister
And on 28th April in Berlin, he had discussions with Frank-Walter Steinmeier, German foreign minister.
Finally, the Oman Observer reported that he and his delegation had met Austria's foreign minister, Ursula Plassnik, and Mohammed El Baradei, DG of the IAEA, in Vienna on 2nd May. Austria currently holds the EU presidency.
Given the current situation in the Gulf, one can but presume that Alawi was sharing points of view and information on the subject with his counterparts in the US and Europe. He may also have been gathering information to brief His Majesty Sultan Qaboos and accompanying delegation to the forthcoming AGCC summit in Riyadh, which is to discuss the reaction and policies of the Gulf States towards Iran.
Another major matter of concern to Oman's foreign minister in his recent talks overseas could have been the financial plight of the Hamas government in Palestine, as a result of the political deadlock caused by the West's opposition to Hamas.
Khaled Meshaal, head of the political office of Hamas, was in Oman at the beginning of April, where he was promised wholehearted support for the Palestinian people by Deputy Prime Minister for the Council of Ministers Sayyid Fahad bin Mahmood Al Said, but not specifically financial aid.
The Khaleej Times reported these remarks from Meshaal to the Oman News Agency: "A lack of resources and aid poses a big challenge, especially in the light of hesitancy of many international players to support the newly-elected government."
The Oman Observer of 5th May has published an unattributed report that a British proposal to set up a trust fund to help pay overdue salaries directly to employees of the Palestinian Authority, could be blocked by the Bush Administration.
The Sub-Committee on NATO Partnerships visited the Sultanate of Oman on 1-3 April 2006, and met senior Omani government officials there, including Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah. This statement provides some very interesting detail on Oman's foreign policy, particularly in relation to regional issues.
Diplomacy with Iran
The Iranians returned to Muscat on 24th January. The Omani-Iranian Parliamentary Friendship Committee held official-level talks at the Majlis Al Shura, with Oman's team led by Mohammed bin Said Al Kalbani, and the Iranian team headed by Hishmat Allah Falahet Bisha. Times of Oman
The Iranian team presented an invitation from the president of the Iranian Shura Council to visit the Islamic Republic of Iran to Sheikh Abdullah bin Ali Al Qatabi, president of Oman's Majlis Al Shura. The Persian Journal indicated that the invitation, from the speaker of the mullah-run majlis, Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel, was to take part in the third international conference in support of the Palestinian Intifada in Tehran between March and April this year.
"The Omani Shura experience and the Council of Oman's contribution to the government to support national development is commendable," said Hishmat Allah. Gulf News
While in Oman, the Iranian team also met Sayyid Fahd bin Mahmood al Said, deputy prime minister for the Council of Ministers, Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah, Oman's minister responsible for foreign affairs, and Maqbool bin Ali Sultan, Oman's minister of commerce and industry. In comments published after the meeting, Yusuf bin Alawi was reported to have 'expressed his satisfaction with the trend of increasing bilateral cooperation between the two states, and called for expansion of mutual ties in the oil and gas sector. He further expressed confidence that the Iran nuclear issue would soon be settled through the "wise policies" of the Iranian government.'
Oman and Iran
An Iranian admiral confirmed that the war games stretched over 33 nautical miles from the strategic Straits of Hormuz (overlooked by the Musandam of Oman) to Chabahar in the southeastern-most province bordering the north Indian Ocean, near to Pakistan.

